The Times of India

[Coin]

India's third-largest newspaper by circulation, and the greatest English-language newspaper by circulation in the world.

[Coin]

Bringing Down Lanka - Special Report

From our FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT in Baghdad

The first in a series of reports by the Times into the controversies surrounding Iraq, Nicaragua, and the United States of America - commonly known as the Iraq-Contra Affair. Our writer's name has been redacted to protect our sources.

There are few places as important in the Middle East as Baghdad. A bustling metropolis at the heart of Mesopotamia, the Iraqi capital is the intellectual and economic centre of that young republic. From universities to academies, it is here that so many of the Mashreq's sons come to learn. Baghdad has deep roots.

It sits astride the mighty rivers that fed the earliest cities. Here Babylon, Sumer, Akkad, and Ctesiphon once stood, before history overtook them. In recent centuries Baghdad has dominated, linking west and east, Arabia and Persia, Sunni and Shi'a. An important bridge fought over for millenia; the Iran-Iraq War but the latest example.

Bustling it may be, but the city seems eerily quiet as our taxi takes us to our destination. Military checkpoints are passed, and finally we reach our destination on the outskirts. Hundreds of Saudi-delivered bulldozers, cement mixers, and lorries shine idle in the midday sun; our source has a taste for the melodramatic. But his story - linking this ancient city of the Old World to the New - enthrals in any setting.

"The idea was simple, right? The Iranians, the Iraqis, we fought for years. Lots of dollars flowing into Iraq, stop the Persian barbarian from reaching the gates of Saddam's Rome. But the Persians kept coming! The Americans, they wanted to fight the communists and the Islamists. Two birds, one stone; but had to do it in secret."

Then the papers. He hands me documents, financial transactions photocopied in the ministry. He lights his cigarette, and we continue our conversation.

The Americans and Saudis wished to help the Iraqis win at any cost; the domino effect of an Iranian army in Baghdad terrifying every Arab sheik and every US oil baron. The Saudis sent delivery after delivery of non-military aid; "humanitarian" bulldozers built pillboxes and bunkers for the Arab front lines. US public opinion on Iraq's chemical warfare meant no US president could openly arm them, so the guns went to Saudi Arabia... who sold them on to Baghdad. It gave the Iraqi forces a welcome boost.

"The money was a lifeline for us, but there were reports... that the US materiel was not only conventional, but chemical. Dual-use technologies. Very bad press when it was discovered, and Saddam was losing the press war. In the ministry, they could accept taking American, Saudi, any other dollars; but having to hide it even as the US sought to replace Saddam - it was too much. The war seemed without end, and he without compromise. He had to go, and the war had to end before more billions of dollars of debt crippled us."

These reports are murkier, and despite speaking to multiple sources, I can only say this: the United States did not help Saddam in the long-run, even if Baghdad never fell. I take the documents and leave, questions burning in my head. His own absence would be noted, just as mine was by my minders.

President Hussein is today imprisoned by the country that once adored and celebrated his name. A man praised by anti-imperialist and anti-communist rots in his own cells. Brought down by the army, the government, and the ministers, to the shock of the world. But his deposition - however treacherous or honourable the deed - gave Iraqis and Iranians what many wanted: peace.

No time at all after his arrest, a peace agreement was hastily reached. Political reforms have accompanied the peace deal, while troops withdrew from the other's territory. With the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, Kurdish Democratic Party, and People's Mujahedin of Iran all legalised who can guess what lies ahead. Saddam Hussein and Ali Hassan al-Majid are arrested and scheduled to stand trial for the use of chemical weapons in the war. Asking who won is not an easy question.

Even so tha gains are there, for the Iraqi and Iranian man on the street. Several weeks after the ceasefire, the silence of the nights from bombing and the air raid sirens remains a surprise. No longer do the Iraqi populace fear waking up to disaster at the front. But there remains an unsaid fear, made the stronger by the Iranian-backed coup in Bahrain. Pro-Iranian feeling among some of the Shi'a is fostered by radicals; the cries for an Islamic Republic grow louder. Anti-Iranian sentiment, a revanchist feeling of being cheated, but also; the Sunni Arab hates and fears the Ayatollah.

My next informant is a rather more solid fellow - a soldier home on leave, cigarette hanging from his mouth as he sells surplus government rations in the bazaar. I ask him about his own reaction to Iraq's change of government, the scandal of the Affair, as it has become known. He enjoys my questioning him on this - better than when I'd pester him for tales of deserters and casualties.

"Saddam overplayed his hand, and thought he could get away with it by sheer brutality. The Americans and Saudis couldn't decide on whether to back him or sack him. They tried both, and now thousands died for no gain."

"I don't know of Nicaragua, nor why the Americans couldn't just fund us openly. Or why the Saudis had to make a profit on it, and why Saddam had to go to jail for it all to end. But it is as it is written: All the evils have been locked in a room and it's key is lying."

The sun is hot in Baghdad as I return to our hotel, but it is the political temperatures that are rising.

The TIMES OF INDIA will carry further special reports in future issues from Nicaragua and Washington D.C.

ADDENDUM: The title of the piece comes from the Hindi saying: The insider who knows all the secrets can bring down Lanka (a very prosperous city in Hindu mythology)."

[Coin]

Bringing Down Lanka II - Special Report

From our FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT in Managua, Nicaragua

The second of the TIMES OF INDIA's special investigations into the controversies surrounding Iraq, Nicaragua, and the United States of America - commonly known as the Iraq-Contra Affair. Our writer's name has been redacted to protect our sources.

The man's chest rises, timed with the steady bleep, bleep, bleep, of the cardiac monitor. Lying in the hospital bed, he is surrounded by various family members, who talk in hushed tones as we enter. The wife holds several fidgeting, uncertain looking children - torn between fear at their present situation, and an impatient impulse towards activity.

This scene could be anywhere in the modern world - but it is a scene all too common in the Republic of Nicaragua. For more than sixteen years this small Central American country has suffered from revolution, unrest, and a bloody civil conflict. With a population of 3.7 million, nestled between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of America, Nicaragua should by rights be a country prospering from a beneficial trading position and abundant natural resources. Instead, the Sandinista Revolution has divided the nation. Instead, the country finds itself at the heart of international scandal.

The Reagan administration - officially or unofficially - seems to have been bent on ending the revolutionary government in Nicaragua. But it was frustrated in that ambition at home, with the US Congress banning direct funding of the Contras, controversy surrounding their methods and the brutality of the war. The solution, allegedly dreamt up by Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, was to use proceeds from arms sales to Iraq via Saudi Arabia - as revealed in our previous piece from Baghdad - to fund the Contras.

Outside the clinic, there is little traffic. We have been invited to speak to the family by the local hospital, struggling to cope with a rising tide of intentional and collateral damage here on the Caribbean coast. It is not easy finding people willing to talk among this Amerindian community. The wife refuses to even make eye contact with our interpreter, but eventually, a brother is chosen on her behalf. Still, this casualty is more fortunate than most, and will probably survive.

"He's just out of surgery, now. They got most of the fragments." His hand gestures towards a small bowl of metal shards by the bed. "A stray bullet hit him in the abdomen, as the militia tried to get some of the contrarrevolucionarios travelling through the market. So they say. His shooter we know, their family are known to us."

I have covered many warzones before, across the Middle East. From the Israeli-Arab War of '73 and the Falklands, to the Iran-Iraq War only recently ended. In these, the dividing lines were clear; two armies facing each other. But as the man unconscious on the hospital bed makes clear, this is no simple war of black and white. The counter-revolutionaries he refers to are known as the Contras across the world following the tumultuous events of last year; here, though, they call them Unidad Nicaragüense Opositora. UNO.

Two miles up the road, at a checkpoint between the town and the mountains, the local sergeant is silent as he awaits permission to speak to us. Eventually, his radio buzzes to life, and begrudgingly he answers a few questions.

"This country needs peace. Too much foreign money. CIA, Cuba, whatever - they should all just support the government, and stop this endless fighting. We won our freedom in '79 - the counter-revolutionaries and the world need to respect that. The Iraq-Contra business just goes to show how rotten the whole UNO are, and their US masters. We are fighting for our lives."

He refuses to answer if burning Amerindian villages, allegedly cleared by the government who accused them of supporting the Contras, is an example of freedom.

But such strong opinions are not uncommon - at least among those the government puts forward for interview. In the bars and restaurants of the capital, Managua, the punters seem more circumspect. Those who might sympathise with the Contras and with the United States are mindful of who is listening. But ever since the revolution that swept the country in 1979, and ended decades of rule by the Somoza family, this has been a battle-ground of the Cold War.

The efforts of the US administration to fund these Contras against the Sandinistas may yet backfire, or they may force the US to properly focus on stopping communism in Latin America. Whatever the truth of the matter, it has till now been a great propaganda victory for the Eastern Bloc and the Nicaraguan government. Questions are swirling around this most murky side of the Cold War, and it is to Washington D.C. we must go to search for the answers.

[Coin]

Bringing Down Lanka III - Special Report

From our FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT in Washington DC, United States of America

The third and final issue of the TIMES OF INDIA's special investigations into the controversies surrounding Iraq, Nicaragua, and the United States of America - commonly known as the Iraq-Contra Affair. Our writer's name has been redacted to protect our sources.

There is a strong stench of coffee in the cafe, a smell of something heated and reheated countless times. But it does at least mask other, more pungent scents that would doubtless challenge even my Gujarati nostrils. Welcome to the United States of America.

We are sitting in one of America's famed truck stops, on a highway outside of Washington DC. I write this as we continue on the third and final stop in our special series for The Times of India, looking at the strange scandal of the Iraq Contra Affair. And for one thing, as I watch the patrons go about their business, America's contrast with Nicaragua and Iraq could scarcely be more apparent. I am unable to resist the coffee, though, especially given the appearance of the blonde waitress. Again.

Most of the clientele here seem non-committal (both about the coffee, and anything else besides). It's late, and most watch the sports on the televisions dotted into corners; a few sway drunkenly on the return to their vehicle. In many ways, some things are perhaps not so very different across the world. But here as everywhere, the news occasionally flash onto screens with revelations concerning the Contras, Mesopotamia, and President Reagan. There is poverty here, but a higher standard of living than in our previous destinations.

I resolve to speak with some patrons before I continue on my way. Reactions are mixed to any mention of the Affair. Mostly, men grumble about politicians always playing with their cash; others mention the atrocities of Iranians and Sandinistas. The blonde hostess (It's Sandy, she says) remarks wearily that "It'll all blow over by the next election, and they'll get back to focusing on the things that matter."

Several hours later and I arrive in the US capital, the heart of the world's largest economy and most powerful democracy. Here again - between meeting old colleagues and taking in sights that remind me, nostalgically, of younger days - I reflect on my assignment.

European visitors to America often accuse the country of being overly insular, or unwilling to properly judge matters abroad. It is a charge helped by the efforts of left-wing propaganda and subterfuge; but it rings some truth at least. US politicians might aspire to change the world, but plenty of their voters would be quite happy with their own impossibly vast and diverse union, for all its faults. This is perhaps one thing that we, two great continental nations, share. But at its heart, for all that the world's media has pored over the Iraq-Contra Affair, fundamentally, it is as an American domestic political issue that it is framed.

I continue on my way, various conversations arranged with politicians at different levels of seniority.

"Iraq, Iran, Nicaragua - all far away. People don't really care about them, day to day." The man burps, interrupting the seriousness of our conversation for a moment. "Reagan's mistake wasn't to fund Iraq or Nicaragua; it was to do so against Congress and in secret. If he knew, anyway... which he did. Or I'm a Sandinista spy."

The man is a state senator, so I doubt the latter very much. A Democrat, he spends an age explaining the intricacies of US legal tussles on funding foreign bodies and CIA legalities. From a brief review of our breakfast, soon his appetite returns to the US political environment.

"Only America's enemies think this scandal will really affect us internationally. The Contras and Saddam are nasty pieces of work. But Reagan was elected to take on the Reds, so that hardly makes the Republicans less likely to support him. We'll get over this eventually, and the CIA will be drawn back from any overreach, especially if our party takes Congress."

Not everyone is convinced. An Iran buoyed by survival in their battle with Iraq, and helped by Chinese diplomatic alliance, has proven able - allegedly - to exploit the chaos of US foreign policy in the meantime to topple the Bahraini monarchy. The Israelis have cast aside any illusions of negotiated peace with the PLO. Afghanistan hangs on the precipice. At such a delicate time, how US foreign policy is viewed matters. And the fallout of Iraq-Contra payments might paralyse Washington at a critical time. Or not.

Our next interview is with a much more dissident voice. An independent candidate for a New York seat, W. T. Kirtley made his name campaigning against Vietnam, and now sees another cause he can fight for.

(Unsurprisingly, few Republicans wish to speak even off the record to us while they await the White House's next move). Kirtley is an animated, if not exactly traditional, figure, who has probably zero chance of being elected. Probably.

"Reagan needs to get out of the White House, and if he doesn't, the Democrats need to take the fight to him. The people need to realise the whole system is rotten, top to bottom. Why are we wasting money on Arabs and Nicaraguans, when our own people go hungry? Why didn't we know about it?"

I leave Washington not much enlightened, but with a mind to put my thoughts to paper that night. It is at the airport afterwards, ironically, that I find my best source. The flight is a small one, sparsely seated, and destined for New Jersey and an old college friend.

The wind howls outside. But my eyes are on the man who has happened to be here. Sitting across from me, he is hiding from more than the snowstorm: former National Security Advisor Robert MacFarlane. A man at the heart of the scandal during his time in Reagan's team, and a man every journalist wants to talk to. I sit beside him, notebook in hand. He doesn't stop me, even when his security detail check if they should.

He speaks slowly, eyes heavy with shame, as I ask my questions.

"The idea was to save Nicaragua from communism, and Iraq from becoming part of a new Persian Empire. We might fail on both counts, but we had to try. We still have to. Whatever a lawyer says, we did what was right by the country, but the President did nothing wrong."

Why then leave his post at the White House in '85? A pause.

"Family. But to answer your next question, history will judge we who resist tyranny and bloodthirsty revolution of all kinds justly. Whatever the politicians might say about the money."

As I move to questions on finance, his team step in. I do not envy the situation MacFarlane finds himself in. Or US foreign policy in Latin America and the Middle East.

Upon starting this journey in Iraq, I brought an old Indian proverb to mind: The insider who knows all the secrets can bring down Lanka. It seemed then that Washington might well fall if an insider to this affair came forth. Perhaps, they yet could. But more likely, this will go down as a political mistake that cost untold millions of dollars, and many many lives. The Iraq-Contra Affair has thrown American politics into uncertainty and high drama; while failing to actually achieve the aims behind it, laudable or not.

But the US president still can salvage the situation. It will be up to him, and the voters, as to whether this is a blip or a death-knell for the administration's policies abroad. India, and the world, holds it's breath.

[Coin]

Intifada - Palestine Aflame

In a post-Arafat Palestine, Israel stokes extremism by her actions. An opinion column by former minister of External Affairs in the Charan Singh Ministry, Shyam Nandan Mishra.

The horrific scenes in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories continue to shock the world. With a death toll of over five hundred Palestinians, many of them civilians (Israeli dead remain unclear), the smoke rising from the Abrahamic Holy Lands can be seen from afar. Everywhere our television screens, newspapers, radio announcers and foreign travellers tell of the chaos. Of Gaza and the West Bank enraged at the death of Arafat, a man many had hoped would bring peace and two free states. Of Jewish settlements abandoned before the storm. Of an Israeli government that seems from India to be committed to provoking nothing less than another war.

We should not idly discount the chances of such an event. A dozen or so years from the War of '73, the Arab world is far from settled on the subject. The Iran-Iraq War may have divided them momentarily, and inexplicably turned Ba'ath nationalist on Ba'ath nationalist. The Iranian Revolution of '79 may have divided their opinions; and the Egyptian peace deal with Israel caused great controversy on the Arab street. But nothing should blind us to the chances of another war - this time, inspired by the tens of thousands in open revolt against Israel.

Already, Egypt has stated that the Camp David Accords - that brought peace - are but a "piece of paper". Israel has doubled down, and will likely seek to reclaim the territory presently controlled by Palestinian mujahideen. The intifada is an unprecedented show of force, solidarity, and emotion by the Palestinian people. It exemplifies the reasoning behind Palestinian nationalism, and only encourages anti-Zionism across the globe. And with both of the other main conflicts in the region having burnt out - namely the Afghan War (for now) and the Iran-Iraq War (though a proxy conflict may begin in Bahrain) - Israel is playing with fire in it's reaction so far.

And yet, the vivid resistance of the Palestinians is merely a marker that the Arab states which once sponsored them are powerless. No call to arms in the United Nations has occured after the deaths; no Cold War superpower seems to have intervened, openly at least. Instead it seems more probable that funding, recruits, and arms will be pumped into these Palestinian fedayeen. After the Iranian revolution, and the radicalisation of Afghan opposition to the Soviets, this is a possibility that spells danger for a region riven by sectarian tensions.

By strangling the legitimate and moderate tendencies of their opposition, Israel seeks supremacy. She may - temporarily - achieve this, as the IDF remains the most formidable army in the region. But if the result of that short-term victory is a long-term drift towards total ideological war, then she may grow nostalgic for secular nationalist opposition. Arab nationalism is, after all, not so very different from our own nationalism in India, despite the radically different character and history of our peoples, in that a collective, multi-faith heritage is fostered. Islamist fundamentalism however will be a much more dangerous hydra, able to rear it's ugly heads from Palestine to Indian Kashmir. Thus would two resistances be born - one radical, reliant on legitimate grievances such as in Palestine for justification. The other equally radical, reliant only on the exploitation of social problems in Muslim-minority states.

Many of the foreign fighters in Afghanistan have only recently arranged a return home. At first glance Afghanistan and Palestine are two very different cases; a Central Asian question to a Middle Eastern one. But only one state in the region would need to become as Pakistan has in Afghanistan to be able to arm the Palestinian resistance and attract thousands of foreign fighters - and to influence a severe radicalisation therein. On her present course, Israel is not discouraging, but encouraging this prospect, and one that would end any hopes of ending the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict at that.

Extremists on all sides would dearly love to frame this as a global clash of religions. We must all do our best to stop that, for the good of our own nation as much as for the Israeli and Palestinian people caught up in the terrible crossfire.

[Coin]

E1987

New Delhi Brokers Sri Lankan Peace Deal

In news incredulous to some, and long overdue to others, peace finally appears on the horizon in Sri Lanka. The country's Tamil minority has long struggled for equal rights and equal standing within the country; but has been hamstrung by Sinhalese resentment against the northern minority.

India, too, has struggled with the issue. Tamil-speakers are a significant demographic in southern India; and could hardly stand by while ethnic violence to her south between an Aryan and Dravidian people took on ever more bloody dimensions. Indeed, much of the comment in India has focused on the dangers of allowing the situation to devolve into a bloodbath: India would find not only ethnic resentment, but a refugee and economic crisis exported to her shores.

Crucial to the peace deal has been the willingness by both sides to make compromises. The latest peace deal, signed by the LTTE, TELO, and Sri Lankan government, will see the creation of a Tamil Autonomous Zone in the north and east of the country. Racial extremists on both sides will likely oppose this sensible middle way; and the government of India must be ready to support the moderates on both sides. Anything less will be an opening to radical politics that history teaches us we must avoid. Indeed, who can deny the truth of this when we see what happened not so long ago in Bangladesh and Pakistan?

Still, there are voices within India who oppose this deal. Many will be loath to involve the republic in affairs even within the near abroad. But the Times of India supports the rights to freedom, democracy, and liberty for all Indians and Sri Lankans. We can hardly ignore what occurs on the other side of the Palk Strait. We must build bridges with all of our neighbours, if peace is to reign in the subcontinent, opposing terrorism, but supporting democracy.

Investment for Indian Textiles

New factories have opened up across the country, as India builds on the thus-far successful Indo-Soviet Agreement of 1987. Now ratified by both Moscow and New Delhi, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi has spoken of his high hopes for our economy with the deal in place. Already, substantial investments in Indian textiles by the government have allowed new workshops, looms, and factories to open. As modern technology ties the world together ever more tightly, India's ability to open up the Soviet bloc to trade with India has created a thousand opportunities for new and existing factories. Thus, the subcontinent may hope to export to all the world, and become the workshop of the world for the coming century.

Today at the Parliament of India, the Prime Minister praised members for passing the Investment in Textile Production and Exports Act of 1987. This is in keeping with the recent Indo-Soviet agreement, which called for the government of India and the Soviet Union to invest in exports to the other. As an Act, the new law has helped provide grants and upgrades for factories requiring capital investment, and commentators hope this will create a healthy environment for business, particularly as the government chips away at the so-called License Raj.

At the same time, the government has also expanded investment in agricultural growth in the north-east, most notably Assam and Manipur. It is hoped that they too might benefit from increased trade with the Soviet Union and the world at large.

Unrest in Meerut

State police forces in Uttar Pradesh have been promised reinforcements and support from the government as communal rioting continues. The situation is now said to be stable, but revenge attacks by both Muslim and Hindu mobs are still a threat, with the government and state authorities urging calm and an end to sectarian violence.

Much of the tensions relate to radical Islamic feeling over the Babri Mosque. Several Hindu and Islamic radical groups have sought to exploit the Ayodhya dispute for sectarian gain, but the government has pointed the finger at foreign-funded organisations for the most recent outbreak of violence. Rumours of an official investigation by the Indian security forces abound, as the government seeks to calm the vipers' nest of conflicting ideologies surrounding the dispute.

Army deployment to Burmese border

Republic of India armed forces have been deployed to the porous borders of Manipur and Nagaland states, as the government announces a major operation to crack down on smuggling. The army has joined hands with customs, Assam Rifles, BSF, state police, forest department and Wildlife Crime Control Bureau, and other agencies for the operation. Among the targets are the smuggling of gold, drugs, wildlife parts, arms, fake Indian currency and other explosives.

While some politicians have questioned the need for troops to be sent in to help with a task normally left to the state authorities, army sources say this border has left India's North-east vulnerable to unrest. When asked for a timescale by the Times, the Ministry of Defence refused to be drawn on specifics, but did however state a hope that the deployment would only take as long as the construction and equipping of proper border infrastructure for the police to take over the role, and would provide security for agricultural expansions across the north-east.

Literacy Campaign Announced

Congress education departments report "significant gains" from the initial projects that the government has brought forward on literacy. Already ministerial meetings have been held across the country, with hopes to radically transform India into a nation where the vast majority are literate within just twenty years. While criticised by some as too ambitious, already NGOs, temples, churches and mosques have joined forces with district-level taskforces. Nightclasses, pop-up schools, and educational materials for both staff and volunteers have kept many a printing press busy. There is a great need for advances in this regard, and the Times of India salutes and congratulates the men and women who are striving to bring the joy of reading to millions of Indians.

Aviation Summit

Ministers from across South Asia - including Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Burma, and Bangladesh gathered for a conference in New Delhi regarding the improvement of aviation into the subcontinent. India has raised the prospect of a longer-term investment in new runways and terminals for several hub airports. This is seen by some commentators as PM Rajiv Gandhi - a former pilot himself - seeking to create a new venture that appears much his own, despite the controversies surrounding alleged Pakistani support for high-flying terrorism. The summit itself was a success - and with the additional pledge by the government to boost travel and transport to the Soviet Union, shares in aviation companies have rocketed upwards.

[Coin]

E1987

Times of India Financial Supplement

International Inaction Threatens World Economy

The sands of the Middle East are both blessed and cursed by oil. Blessed, for this black gold brings income to areas long deprived. Cursed, for it transforms a land at the heart of the Abrahamic religions into a battleground where every economic power has an interest. And while this has provided wealth aplenty for the once poverty stricken Arabian peninsula, it also transforms every conflict within it into one with repercussions for the wider world.

Of all the region's troubles, first and foremost is surely Palestine. As I write the situation seems only to worsen; both the Israeli government and the Palestinian factions bent on a full-blown confrontation. Thousands line the streets, burning illegal settlements and clearing Jewish settlers from the West Bank and Gaza. Israel's reaction so far is best described as small-scale exceptional brutality, woefully unsuited to the challenge. Considering the killing of Arafat, and the intolerable conditions of the Palestinian Arabs, this state of affairs is perhaps small wonder. But it is also a sad indication of the complete lack of international control on the situation. The world is woefully silent.

Despite rumours of internal bluster and debate, few in the wider world know what the UNSC thinks on Palestine and Israel's problems. Instead the Egyptian-Israeli peace agreement slides towards collapse; while the UNGA gives support to the PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. There is no answer from those who for so long championed the two-state solution. War-clouds gather, and few seem to know how to disperse them before it is too late. Only the radicals, at home and abroad, have any response.

All this might seem but another example of an international failure to deal with a crisis; one we might safely switch ourselves off from. India is indeed far from the Levant as the crow flies. But the ties hydrocarbons bind have another effect, given the influential voice of Arab and Islamic states within OPEC. Iran is riding high on a tide of Shi'ite Islamism, the collapse of secular states, and the support of Maoist China. She uses this time of increasing influence to use the oil of the Middle East as a bargaining chip. The message is simple: bring forward a peace proposal for the Palestinians, or we cut the supplies. And OPEC, for now, agrees.

Whether the UNSC is calling OPEC's bluff in not answering, or simply lacks the capacity to agree a response is anybody's guess. But even India must be wary of this imminent economic tension. A global oil crisis will not have the same effect as it once did; production is diversified, and both the USSR and North Sea would be capable of producing more than it once could. But the economic shockwaves - coming at a time when countries from China to Eastern Europe are experimenting and investing capital in global trade - could scupper efforts at improving the lot of developing nations. If India's strategic planners look north at China and Iran's new Silk Road with concern, they must surely look at OPEC's demands to the UNSC with even greater wariness. It is not the West, nor the East, but the Global South who would suffer most, with more bad debt offered by capricious financiers.

India is a country blessed with the natural resources necessary for economic development. But oil is not among them, and we must be ready. Hydrocarbons are being explored in the north-east and along our coasts, but not fast enough. This is a time for the government to take the lead in improving our energy self-sufficiency. A Green Revolution has made India self-providing in food; energy should by rights next, if logic is to be followed. Whether New Delhi will do so remains to be seen, but the fact remains that the OPEC ultimatum presents a dilemna for us as a nation.

In the words of Russia's greatest revolutionary, then: what is to be done? I have approached the economic ministry of the government for answers, but few seem to be forthcoming on the record. Off the record, international comparisons are raised. Some countries seem set on nuclear power, even after the Chernobyl Disaster, with Beijing in particular pioneering reactor diplomacy. Others put their trust in rising oil production outside of OPEC to ensure the world economy recovers quickly, with the USA in particular selling off surplus strategic reserves to buffer their consumers. Renewables seem a long-term bet, but are an attractive investment. Whether Prime Minister Gandhi will provide answers to this question when he faces the nation's media tomorrow remains to be seen, but the Times will certainly push the issue.

The TIMES OF INDIA will carry an exclusive extended interview with PM Rajiv Gandhi for Sunday's issue, where we hope to quiz the Prime Minister on economic, social, and foreign policy issues in the wake of the OPEC crisis, the SRCO, Sri Lanka, and India's economy.

[Coin]

E1987

PM Rajiv Gandhi defends foreign policy in wide-ranging interview

• "No Apartheid in the Western Pacific" - Gandhi supports Fiji Ultimatum

• Time for end to racism in the international arena, "Indophobia a disease"

• Calls for Indian economy to become "an engine of cross-continental trade"

Q. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, thank you for agreeing to this interview. If I might begin with the most pressing issue, the recent Indo-British Ultimatum to Fiji... why is India invested in an issue far from home, and far from what most judge our usual priorities?

I take immediate issue with both these presumptions. India has always opposed racist or sectarian regimes - from Pretoria today to Pakistan in the last war. And we have always supported democracy. The coup in Fiji would end democracy and equality for the majority of citizens in that country... It must be opposed. All India, Britain, and nations across the world want is for democracy and the constitution to trump ethnic manipulation.

Q. But why India? Many argue it is irresponsible for us to meddle in politics in this way. Is it not?

We have a responsibility to Fiji to help her people regain control from the junta. Fiji is not so far from India, when blood and a shared history of imperial dominion bind us. The Indo-Fijian population is in the majority in Fiji, just, but willfully disenfranchised in this coup by a fundamentalist faction of indigenous Fijians, afraid of the results of the elections. They certainly do not represent all Fijians, indigenous or otherwise.

They fear the elections which broke records on cross-community voting, both Indo-Fijian and ethnic Fijians voting for the Labour Party. The deposed prime minister, while from a party historically based in the Indo-Fijian community, is himself an indigineous Fijian! Those who support the coup must realise that the international community, India among them, will not stand idle. We and our partners East and West share a desire for racial harmony in the Pacific Islands. We will allow no Apartheid in the Western Pacific. We do not want Fiji, or any other country, to be ruled by any one ethnic group to the exclusion of all others.

Q. But is the ultimatum a threat to the junta? Is military action on the table, with Indian and British vessels awaiting orders?

We and our international partners in the UN and Commonwealth have no plans for any military strikes or attacks. All India wants is for the coup to end, and for democracy to be restored. If Fiji does not comply, we shall implement a blockade of non essential goods to show our commitment. In this way, yes, it is a threat - but the greater threat would be to allow this illegal coup d'etat.

Q. What if they don't comply, prime minister, and carry on? Will India's navy be deployed, and is there a danger of mission creep?

No. It is true that we are putting our navy to good use in showing we mean what we say, along with our international partners in Britain and elsewhere. But the INS Viraat and her supporting vessels are not the whole of India's navy - our coasts will remain defended as defiantly as our land borders. Make no mistake - the expeditionary force is being prepared for any eventuality of Fiji refusing to comply or turning hostile. But fundamentally we hope and pray it shall not come to that; the Fijian people themselves know that as an island nation, a racist junta under a blockade cannot stand either morally or economically.

Q. Can your government truly hope to make India the world's policeman?

Again - I would urge you to listen to what we have said, and what I have said on this matter before. India is not seeking to impose her values, or to advance any national interest. Rather, we seek to support democracy and the rule of law. We seek to support sovereignty and the rights of nations to be free from those who would make them puppets. My government is no more the world's policeman than any other nation - but we all in the international community, through the Commonwealth and the United Nations - must act in our common interest to oppose racist regimes. Indophobia is a disease that has been far too common in the twentieth century, as a result of colonialism and racism, and occurs still in places such as Fiji and South Africa. But it is the task of national governments and international institutions to oppose all racism, and to uphold the rights of our fellow human beings. It is not a question of being a policeman; we do not seek to use force in place of diplomacy. Look at the advances Sri Lankan Tamils and Sinhalese are making in coming to terms with their tensions, with Indian assistance; look at our interventions against military coups in the Indian Ocean; look at our recent rapprochement with China, and see how we are able to make this great republic a force for good.

Q. What then, is India's role on the international stage?

We are among the largest countries in the world by population and by size. We have untapped resources - most notably, our human resources. We are the largest democracy in Eurasia, and can serve by our own development, our policies, and our diplomacy as an example to the world. Still the global south suffers from the legacies of colonialism; but we have a chance to change that. Initiatives such as the Global South Development Bank, in cooperation with other groups such as the IMF and the World Bank, can serve as vehicles for that change.

But much more valuable to me is the warmth and strong relations we are developing with the world's major blocs. The Indo-Soviet and Indo-Chinese agreements signed over the past twelve months show that peaceful, respectful diplomacy pays great dividends; as does Western support for peace initiatives in Fiji and South Asia. I am aware I have strayed a little from the original question... but it is India's role, quite simply, to be the engine of cross continental trade. For where commerce and trade flourish, wealth is generated, and the lifting of the world from poverty can be achieved.

Q. You notably failed to mention one group that now sits along much of India's northern border - the Silk Road Cooperation Organisation. Why has India still not responded to the offer of dialogue partner to the organisation?

I welcome the formation of any group committed to peaceful development in Asia and Africa, and I truly hope a new chapter in this may be found through the formation of the Silk Road Cooperation Organisation. We are still discussing the specifics of this new grouping with key members such as China and Iran, and we are very hopeful. But I have my own questions, too, particularly with India's previous concerns regarding Pakistani-Chinese ties. We shall look very carefully at the proposal before responding, but I can tell you that we look very favourably upon becoming dialogue partners with the SRCO. It is easy for some to see it merely as a threat, and as a sinister alliance surrounding the subcontinent. It is certainly not that - but what it is, we shall ascertain before putting the Republic of India's name to any agreement.

Q. If we are to become the engine of development across the continent as you mentioned to me earlier in this interview, there will surely be a few obstacles to overcome. What do you see as the biggest obstacle?

This is a question academics might answer more easily. But, if I were to give you an answer, I would say the international political situation is the greatest obstacle to the development of India and other emerging economies. Fear and protectionism make for a dangerous couple. Just look at OPEC at the moment, and their own ultimatum that has gotten so much attention in the international press recently. Majority Muslim countries around the Middle East are very much against the Israeli state, itself in chaos at this moment. The Arab Street wishes to see international action, but there is precious little of it. OPEC would force the international community to come together... but that is impossible, given the Israeli alliance with the USA and others. The result? An ultimatum that could endanger the world economy by increasing oil prices. Cheap oil is good for everyone - it opens up new markets to the petroleum exporters, and new business opportunities to the importers, India among them. But I remain very hopeful something can be done. Just look at the trade deals being signed with an increasingly liberal Soviet Union! Who would have believed that we might decrease both our bureaucracies to give such a great boost to Indo-Soviet trade. If the Western and Eastern Blocs of Europe were to reach peace, who knows what might be achieved around the world.

[Coin]

1987 Bollywood Round-up!

To prepare you for another weekend and provide a welcome distraction from the chaos of the world news, The Times of India presents a round-up of some of the biggest films hitting movie theatres near you!

3. MR INDIA

Mogambo will try to conquer all of India from his remote island hideout. To do so he wants Arun Verma's invisibility device, a golden watch he keeps on his wrist. All Arun wants to do is look after the orphans he cares for at home, but Mogambo will stop at nothing. Will all India hail Mogambo, or can the unlikely heroes stop this insane former general?

2. WATAN KE RAKHWALE

A riotous drama sure to be enjoyed. Arun Prakash lives a middle-class life with his elder brother his sister-in-law. But his life changes when he must forge his marriage with wealthy Radha Pratap,at the mercy of some criminal elements.

1. HUKUMAT

Who won't love this crazy action thriller? The town of Shantinagar is terrorized by D.B.D.N who likes to kill people for his will. A daredevil cop enters the town, but he must team up with his own rivals to deal with hukumat - the evil rule - of D.B.D.N.!